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Im Rahmen eines vom Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung (BMBF) geförderten Verbundprojektes an der Universität Konstanz, untersucht der Lehrstuhl für Öffentliche Verwaltung und Organisationstheorie (Jun.-Prof. Dr. Steffen Eckhard) die öffentliche Wahrnehmung staatlichen Handelns in Krisenzeiten. Vom 26. März bis 6. April 2020 wurden dafür in einem zusätzlichen Modul zur Covid-19 Pandemie über das Umfrageinstitut YouGov 3.077 Personen befragt, die repräsentativ für die deutsche Bevölkerung ab 18 Jahren ausgewählt wurden. Um die Entwicklung über Zeit verfolgen zu können, wird die Umfrage im Rahmen eines Längsschnittdesigns in den kommenden Wochen und Monaten mehrmals wiederholt. Dieses Papier fasst die Ergebnisse der ersten Welle zusammen.
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(2020): Newsalyze : Enabling News Consumers to Understand Media Bias JCDL '20 : Proceedings of the ACM/IEEE Joint Conference on Digital Libraries in 2020. New York, NY: ACM, 2020, pp. 455-456. ISBN 978-1-4503-7585-6. Available under: doi: 10.1145/3383583.3398561
News is a central source of information for individuals to inform themselves on current topics. Knowing a news article's slant and authenticity is of crucial importance in times of "fake news," news bots, and centralization of media ownership. We introduce Newsalyze, a bias-aware news reader focusing on a subtle, yet powerful form of media bias, named bias by word choice and labeling (WCL). WCL bias can alter the assessment of entities reported in the news, e.g., "freedom fighters" vs. "terrorists." At the core of the analysis is a neural model that uses a news-adapted BERT language model to determine target-dependent sentiment, a high-level effect of WCL bias. While the analysis currently focuses on only this form of bias, the visualizations already reveal patterns of bias when contrasting articles (overview) and in-text instances of bias (article view).
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Die Corona-Krise verschärft die Ungleichheit in der Europäischen Union (EU). Sie regt eine Debatte um die Zukunft Europas in einer zentralen Frage kritisch an: Inwiefern bedarf das Integrationsprojekt einer verstärkten innereuropäischen Solidarität? Wieviel und welche Art von Hilfe sind die EuropäerInnen bereit, wechselseitig zu leisten? Die hier vorgestellten Ergebnisse einer Umfrage unter der deutschen Wohnbevölkerung zeichnen ein gemischtes Bild: Während die Bereitschaft zu medizinischer Solidarität hoch ist, zeigt sich nur eine begrenzte Bereitschaft zur Unterstützung fi nanzieller Umverteilungsmaßnahmen. Dementsprechend gilt es, die Solidaritätspotentiale für ein geeintes, zukunftsfähiges Europa mit begrenzter Ungleichheit durch ideational leadership zu mobilisieren – insbesondere mit Blick auf die deutsche EU Ratspräsidentschaft in der zweiten Jahreshälfte 2020.
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(2020): Pulling the Strings? : The Strategic Use of Pro-Government Mobilization in Authoritarian Regimes Comparative Political Studies. Sage Publications. 2020, 53(1), pp. 71-108. ISSN 0010-4140. eISSN 1552-3829. Available under: doi: 10.1177/0010414019843559
Protest against authoritarian rule is a well-studied phenomenon in the social sciences, but mass rallies in favor of authoritarian regimes have received only limited scholarly attention. While previous work has portrayed authoritarian regimes as characterized by mass apathy and political demobilization, we show that this is only partially true today. We argue that autocrats mobilize their supporters selectively as a strategic response to political threats. Rallies increase collective action costs for rivaling elites, opposition movements, and bystanders because they signal regime strength (deterrence) and curb mobilization efforts against the regime (repression). Nevertheless, the mobilization of supporters is costly, as autocrats have only imperfect information about current levels of support, rallies require organizational capacity and clashes between supporters and opponents can get out of control. Drawing on the first global data set with information about pro-government rally events in all authoritarian regimes from 2003 to 2015, our quantitative analysis reveals systematic patterns in the occurrence of rallies in line with our theoretical framework. We find systematic increases in pro-government mobilization during episodes of large domestic and regional opposition mobilization, high coup risk, and prior to elections.
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(2020): Does online fundraising increase charitable giving? : A nation-wide field experiment on Facebook
Does online fundraising increase charitable giving? We implemented a natural field experiment across Germany, randomly assigning all of the country's 8,000 zip codes to Save the Children Facebook fundraising videos or a pure control and studied changes in the volume of donations to this and other similar charities by zip code. Our design circumvents many shortcomings inherent in studies based on click-through data, especially substitution and measurement issues. We found that (i) the video fundraising increased donation frequency and value to Save the Children during the campaign and in the subsequent five weeks; (ii) the campaign was profitable for the fundraiser; and (iii) the effects were similar independent of the video content and impression assignment strategy. However, we also found that the overall volume of donations does not increase, due to a massive crowding out of donations to other similar charities. Finally, we demonstrate that click data are an inappropriate proxy for donations.
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(2020): Falling Apart or Flocking Together? : Financial Crises, Inequality and Left-Right Polarization in the OECD
Project : From Bad to Worse: Financial Crises, Polarization, and Inequality
According to the conventional wisdom, political polarization has been growing in the past few decades, and increasing inequality and financial crises have fuelled this trend. Making use of new measures and differentiating between parliamentary and electoral polarization across the left-right cleavage, this article offers a comparative evaluation of this claim for the OECD countries. The results show that the electorates in the European Union have become more conflictive, while the political parties represented in the national parliaments have moved in opposite direction. The statistical analysis demonstrates in line with the theoretical expectations that currency crises have increased mass polarization. The article also offers some tentative support for the hypothesis that increased levels of income inequality enhance this trend and that growing elite discord increases the left-right confrontation in the electorate.
Origin (projects)
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Vertrauen ist wichtiger als Eigeninteresse: Das zeigt eine OnlineBefragung, die wir von April bis Mai 2020 unter knapp 4800 Teilnehmenden durchgeführt haben. Die Haltung zur Lockerung pandemiebedingter Beschränkungen wird weniger dadurch bestimmt, ob jemand daraus wirtschaftliche oder familiäre Folgen für sich selbst oder die Gesellschaft befürchtet. Vielmehr bringen wahrgenommene Grundrechtseinschränkungen die Befragten dazu, Lockerungen zu fordern. Befragte aus dem Osten Deutschlands und solche, die ohnehin ein geringes Vertrauen in staatliche Institutionen haben, sehen die Eindämmungsmaßnahmen besonders kritisch. Bei der Lockerungsdiskussion geht es also weniger um unterschiedlich starke individuelle Betroffenheit als um das Vertrauen in staatliche Institutionen.
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(2020): Performance difference in verbal fluency in bilingual and monolingual speakers Bilingualism : Language and Cognition. Cambridge University Press (CUP). 2020, 23(1), pp. 204-218. ISSN 1366-7289. eISSN 1469-1841. Available under: doi: 10.1017/S1366728918001098
Research has shown that bilinguals can perform similarly, better or poorly on verbal fluency task compared to monolinguals. Verbal fluency data for semantic (animals, fruits and vegetables, and clothing) and letter fluency (F, A, S) were collected from 25 Bengali–English bilinguals and 25 English monolinguals in English. The groups were matched for receptive vocabulary, age, education and non-verbal intelligence. We used a wide range of measures to characterize fluency performance: number of correct, fluency difference score, time-course analysis (1st RT, Sub-RT, initiation, slope), clustering, and switching. Participants completed three executive control measures tapping into inhibitory control, mental-set shifting and working memory. Differences between the groups were significant when executive control demands were higher such as number of correct responses in letter fluency, fluency difference score, Sub-RT, slope and cluster size for letter fluency, such that bilinguals outperform the monolinguals. Stroop performance correlated positively with the slope only for the bilinguals.
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(2020): Online psycholinguistic methods in second language acquisition research CHAPELLE, Carol A., ed.. The Concise Encyclopedia of Applied Linguistics. Hoboken: Wiley Blackwell, 2020, pp. 859-870. ISBN 978-1-119-14736-7
Second language acquisition (SLA) research has traditionally used paper-and-pencil tasks, such as grammaticality judgment and completion tasks. In such tasks, participants usually have time to read the whole sentence, they can think and reflect about its form and meaning, and then make a conscious judgment about its grammaticality or how to complete it. This is why these tasks are called offline; that is, the information we get is after the participant has read the whole sentence and has had time to think about it. This is in contrast to online methods that measure how participants process sentences as they unfold word by word or phrase by phrase; that is, these methods measure how participants process sentences in real time. This entry focuses on widely used behavioral online methods, and will provide a short introduction to four such methods recently used in SLA research to address how second language (L2) learners process sentences in real time. These methods are: (a) word monitoring, (b) self-paced reading/listening, (c) cross-modal priming, and (d) self-paced listening with picture verification. Each method is described with examples from key L2 studies. This is followed by a section discussing the advantages and disadvantages of each of these methods. The final section provides a brief overview of eye-tracking, a behavioral method which is gaining popularity in the field, along with its advantages and disadvantages.
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(2020): Explaining the uneven demand for EU parliamentary oversight during the Eurozone crisis LSE EUROPP blog
Project : From Bad to Worse: Financial Crises, Polarization, and Inequality
The Eurozone crisis increased calls for institutional reform and closer parliamentary oversight of the EU’s crisis managers. As Federica Genovese and Gerald Schneider show, the national demand for increased parliamentary scrutiny crucially hinged on the exposure to the crisis and the domestic leeway in fighting it.
Origin (projects)
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(2020): Going beyond values versus self-interest : whose attitudes change after employment transitions? Political Research Exchange. Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. 2020, 2(1), 1809473. eISSN 2474-736X. Available under: doi: 10.1080/2474736X.2020.1809473
Are self-interest or presumably stable value orientations and other predispositions the main drivers behind social policy attitudes? This article contributes to this debate by moving away from its binary discussion. It differentiates between attitude changes driven by self-interest that are in line with pre-existing predispositions and those that are not. Empirically, this article focuses on changes of labour market policy attitudes after employment transitions and job insecurity changes. More precisely, this article differentiates between attitude changes within three subgroups. (A) People whose self-interest after the employment transitions reinforces their prior predispositions. (B) People without strong prior predispositions, who are thus unconstrained by them. And (C) people whose self-interest after the employment transitions contradicts their prior predispositions. Panel analyses with fixed effects use German SOEP waves from 1997 and 2002. Main effects suggest an important role for self-interest as they show significant attitudinal reactions after most of the transitions and perception changes. However, subgroup analyses result in a somewhat mixed picture. They show attitude changes within different subgroups after different transitions and perception changes. This mixed empirical picture suggests caution when interpreting attitudinal change or stability after changing material circumstances as a sign for the relative importance of self-interest or predispositions.
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(2020): Italian as a heritage language in Germany : Acquisition outcomes and the role of cross-linguistic influence BIDESE, Ermenegildo, ed., Jan CASALICCHIO, ed., Manuela Caterina MORONI, ed.. La linguistica vista dalle Alpi : teoria, lessicografia e multilinguismo : studi in onore di Patrizia Cordin = Linguistic views from the Alps : language theory, lexicography and multilingualism. Berlin: Peter Lang, 2020, pp. 265-294. Studia Romanica et Linguistica. 57. ISBN 978-3-631-79319-0
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In many games of imperfect information, players can make Bayesian inferences about other players’ types based on the information that is contained in their own type. Several behavioral theories of belief-updating even start from the assumption that players project their own type onto others also when it is not rational. We investigate such inferences in a simple laboratory task, in which types are drawn from one out of two states of the world and participants have to guess the type of another participant. We nd lile evidence for irrational (over-)projection. Instead, between 50% and 70% of the participants in our experiment completely neglect the information contained in their own type and base their choices only on the prior probabilities. Using several experimental interventions, we show that this striking neglect of information is very robust.
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Trust matters more than self-interest: That is the result of an online survey we conducted among roughly 4,800 participants in April and May 2020. Individual attitudes towards easing restrictions to contain the coronavirus pandemic are not primarily shaped by whether people fear economic or family-related consequences for themselves or for society. Rather, it is perceived infringements on basic rights that motivate respondents to demand that restrictions be lifted. Respondents from East Germany and those who tend not to trust public institutions in the first place are especially critical of the containment measures. The discussion about easing restrictions, therefore, is not so much about the varying degrees to which individuals are affected, but rather about the degree of trust in public institutions generally.
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(2020): Digitalizzazione, automazione e il futuro del welfare state democratico: profili per un’agenda di ricerca Rivista Italiana di Politiche Pubbliche. Il Mulino. 2020, 2020(1), pp. 123-144. ISSN 1722-1137. Available under: doi: 10.1483/96932
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(2020): Explaining the immigrant integration laws of German, Italian and Spanish regions : sub-state nationalism and multilevel party politics Regional Studies. Routledge, Taylor & Francis. 2020, 54(11), pp. 1486-1497. ISSN 0034-3404. eISSN 1360-0591. Available under: doi: 10.1080/00343404.2019.1599845
How do sub-state regions respond to immigration and what drives their policy choices? Combining the cross-national literature on citizenship and integration policy with the literature on immigration federalism, it is hypothesized that sub-state nationalism and multilevel party politics explain why some regions formulate more restrictive immigrant integration policies than others. Analyzing integration laws of German, Italian and Spanish regions demonstrates that socioeconomically inclusive measures dominate, regardless of national context. Where restrictive provisions occur at all, they are associated with minority nationalism and the strength of anti-immigrant parties, while leftist regions facing right-wing national governments tend to adopt a more inclusive policies.
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(2020): Ersatzstrukturen : Die Corona-Krise als Gesellschaftsexperiment Soziopolis : Gesellschaft beobachten. Hamburg: Hamburger Institut für Sozialforschung
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(2020): Empirical methods in the economics of education BRADLEY, Steve, ed., Colin GREEN, ed.. The Economics of Education : a Comprehensive Overview. 2. Auflage. London: Elsevier, 2020, pp. 3-20. ISBN 978-0-12-815391-8. Available under: doi: 10.1016/B978-0-12-815391-8.00001-X
Empirical research in the economics of education often addresses causal questions. Does an educational policy or practice cause students' test scores to improve? Does more schooling lead to higher earnings? This article surveys the methods that economists have increasingly used over the past two decades to distinguish accidental association from causation. The methods include research designs that exploit explicit randomization as well as quasi-experimental identification strategies based on observational data. All methods are illustrated with a range of selected example applications from the economics of education.
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dc.contributor.author: Hermle, Johannes; Hensel, Lukas; Roth, Christopher
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Die Corona-Krise hat für viele Beschäftigte zu einer schnellen und tiefgreifenden Veränderung ihres Arbeitsalltags geführt. Zur Einhaltung sozialer Distanzierung haben private und öffentliche Organisationen ihre Belegschaft ganz oder teilweise ins Homeoffice geschickt. Die vorliegende Studie vermisst diese neue Arbeitswelt auf einer einzigartigen Datengrundlage: Einer Umfrage unter rund 700 Beschäftigten im Homeoffice über neun Erhebungszeitpunkte hinweg. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die empfundene Produktivität und das Engagement der Beschäftigten durch die Arbeit im Homeoffice gefördert werden und sich eine große Mehrheit wünscht, zumindest teilweise weiterhin mobil zu arbeiten. Jedoch wird auch eine Tendenz zu Mehrarbeit und damit einhergehender Erschöpfung deutlich. Das erhöht den Handlungsdruck für die Politik und die Vertretungen von Betrieben und Beschäftigten. Die Studie schließt mit Empfehlungen, wie die Rahmenbedingungen für das Arbeiten im Homeoffice verbessert werden können.
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